If major parts of the Greenland or Antarctic ice covers were breaking off, the sea water table might rise by some five up to fifty metres, with catastrophic effects on coastal zones world wide.

If we want to stabilise the ecological situation, we should aim at reducing global greenhouse gas emissions by some 50 percent. That would roughly suffice to prevent global concentrations from further increasing. Similarly, land conversion, chiefly in the tropical countries should be drastically reduced, at least by 50 percent.

On the other hand, poorer countries have a right to demand a doubling at least of world economic outputs, chiefly to the benefit of the South. Together these statements mean that we have to aim at least at a quadrupling of resource productivity! A factor of four in the increase of resource productivity would allow us to double wealth while halving resource use.

Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use has been the subtitle of a book which I co-authored with the US-American scientists Amory Lovins and his wife Hunter Lovins. The title was “Factor Four”.

Quadrupling resource productivity is an ambitious goal. Thinking it through it means nothing less than redirecting technological progress. In effect, what we are aiming at it the equivalent of what used to be the industrial revolution. For 150 years of industrial progress we have seen a steady increase of labour productivity. In the industrialised countries we have achieved a twentyfold increase in labour productivity since the early 19th Century. Developing countries including Brazil are making every effort to do the same.

Today, however, labour is no longer a scarce factor. According to statistics of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), over 800 million people are unemployed or have only access to marginal work. In this day and age, it somehow doesn’t make much sense for the world economy to go on and maximise robotics and other labour saving technologies while neglecting the really scarce factor of our days, natural resources.

Redirecting technological progress means to switch priorities from labour rationalisation to resource rationalisation.

Factor Four is approaching this challenge by giving practical examples. Fifty examples were collected to prove that a factor of four in resource productivity is surely available. Five hundred more examples could have been found but would have exploded the book. The idea is to encourage engineers and business people to look for further examples within the reach of their speciality.

To illustrate the approach of Factor Four, let me give just a few examples from the book:

• apartment buildings in cold Germany needing only ten percent of today’s heating energy.
• tropical houses needing no air conditioners or at least doing with 75 percent less electricity for room cooling.
• Amory Lovins’ “hypercar” which is designed to use only one-and-a-half litres per hundred kilometres.
• Replacing an old filing cabinet with a CD-ROM system which not only yields a Factor 10 or thereabouts in material and resource productivity but also allows you much quicker and more convenient data access.
• Curitiba’s bus system which is roughly a factor of four more resource efficient than the notoriously jammed circulation in cities like Bangkok or Lagos.
• Dairy products using only ten percent of today’s typical transportation or energy inputs.
• Technologies e.g. in paper manufacturing saving some 90 percent of the freshwater otherwise used.
• Business trips replaced by video conferences – saving perhaps 99 percent of the energy.

This last example, however, raises some warnings: once you arrange a video conference, you may even increase the propensity of its participants to go on travel anyway. Nevertheless, in emergency situations e.g. of scarce oil or massive green house effect fears, video conferences are available as an alternative to certain kinds of journeys.

Many of the factor four technologies are profitable today. Also, there is an encouraging experience on the stock markets: companies going for resource efficiency or eco-efficiency tend to fare better on the stock markets than those neglecting it.

Factor four may be the dominant melody for the next phase of technological development. But there are many more options to be considered. In particular, it is important to revaluate some of the virtues of traditional technologies, namely local production and renewable energies and materials, This, I understand, is the chief philosophy of Bolsa Amazônia. Lots of local produce can be harvested from Amazonian forests on a sustainable scheme. If factor four technologies arrive, demand for renewable resources are also kept at reasonably low levels therefore not inducing overexploitation.

To further increase the profitability of the factor four technologies and local products, the frame conditions can be systematically changed. Energy and water ought to be taxed while the taxes and charges on human labour should be reduced. This “ecological tax reform” has been introduced in most EU countries. I don’t see why it shouldn’t work in Brazil as well.

What may be more suggestive for readers of Bolsa Amazônia is that The transition from conventional products to more locally produced products is ecologically desirable as well and may also save energy and wasteful transport worth a factor of four.

Our culture would also greatly benefit from switching to local products and factor four technologies.

Developing countries are even more than highly industrialised countries on the winning side of the indicated technological revolution. To most of the developing countries, the import of oil or the construction of new power plant is very uncomfortably expensive and typically leads to even higher indebtedness. Factor four technologies could come as a very welcome relief.

It is my hope that Bolsa Amazônia will play a major role in disseminating such new ideas, l with a view to help preserve the unique treasures, both cultural and ecological of the Amazon region.

Introduction

I feel greatly honoured being invited as your tenth speaker in the Business Leaders Conference on Environment and Development. Nihon Keizai Shimbun started the series in the year of the Earth Summit of Rio de Janeiro, the UN Conference on Environment and Development. 1992 was the year of culmination for the topics of environment and development. Since that year, public attention worldwide has to an alarming extent deserted both topics.

I shall briefly offer some unconventional views on Japan and then move on to discuss the megatrend of globalisation which I see as the main reason for the massive neglect of the environment. I shall conclude with an attempt at establishing a new sense of direction for technology, civilisation and investments.

Is Japan ill? I rather think the opposite

So let me begin with my personal views on your country. Foreign commentators tend to depict Japan as stagnating and ill. Increasingly, even the Japanese seem to believe in this negative assessment.

Of course, in a world in which growth is the yardstick of success, you cannot be too happy. Of course, one feels worried by non-performing loans worth 40 trillian Yen and by a national debt of 400 million Yen.

And, of course, everybody right in his mind has to support your Prime Minister Jun-ichiro Koizumi’s bold reform policies including the privatization of some of the tokushu-hou-jin (Special Public Corporation). He also addresses new competitive frontiers which are to be explored chiefly by the private sector.

However, let me as a guest and an outsider say a few words of reassurance to you. I have the privilege of visiting Japan rather regularly. What I see is a strong and prospering country proud of its history, full of high technology industry, pioneering in exquisite services. I visit top class universities, see happy school children in pretty school uniforms and enjoy clean and well-functioning public transport. I feel safe in the absence of crime and violence. Best of all, the people you meet on the streets look happy and respond with exquisite politeness to any question of a foreigner. Compare Japan to the violence situation in US American cities, in Colombia or in South Africa! Compare Japan with the poverty situation in most developing countries. Compare Japanese tolerance with the religious or political intolerance and fighting in half of the countries of the world! No, I find it squarely scandalous of journalists and economic analysts to call Japan a sick country.

One of your and of PM Koizumi’s worries is the lack of economic growth. But then let us reflect for a moment. What is the meaning of zero growth in a situation of a stable population and of high prosperity? It still means a huge turn-over; it can mean an increasing stock of wealth. It only means that the flow, covering both increase and maintenance of wealth is not bigger than it was in the preceding year. As a matter of fact, private financial assets are nearly four times as high as your state deficit meaning that your country as a whole is not indebted.

There are only two worrying facts associated with zero growth. One is that some competitors may eventually outgrow you. And the other is that technological advances produce higher labour productivity, which means an increase of unemployment, a phenomenon unknown to Japan for many happy decades.

I shall address both troublesome facts later. As I said before, I am not suggesting that Japan cannot be improved. I share the view in particular that Japanese consumers would do a good thing returning to an optimistic habit of spending. But I am suggesting that all measures of improvement including the Koizumi reforms would greatly benefit if the country would enjoy a new and clear sense of direction.

A clear sense of direction means that investors know where to invest. Banks trust that the investments make sense. And consumers want to be “with it” and re-discover the joys of owning the right things.

Blind markets

Markets in our days hardly create a new sense of direction. They did so in the past when essentially all goods and services were in short supply. Industry was only too happy to produce all that was needed. During this happy period the increase of labour productivity was only too welcome. It meant that ever more could be produced and that wages could steadily rise. Japan surely had a strong state dominating the economy. But the business community didn’t mind. “Japan Incorporated” benefited all during that period.

Let me repeat and highlight one aspect of this period. It is the dominance of the state over the private sector. Fig. 1 symbolises this situation, — in a caricature fashion.

Fig. 1: The state dominates but business is happy.

What was true for Japan, could similarly be found in West Germany, in Canada and essentially in all OECD countries. In the USA, in particular, the strong leadership of the state, the serious quest for social justice and the relatively humble role of the private sector, could be observed since the days of John F. Kennedy — not to mention Franklin D. Roosevelt a generation earlier.

But then, after the turbulences of the oil crisis and in its wake the novel arrogance of Islamic fundamentalism, first culminating in the Iran hostage crisis, the USA underwent profound changes. Ronald Reagan enjoying a landslide victory in 1980 pulled out of the welfare state and in foreign policy steered the country into harsh confrontation against what he called the “evil empire”. He promised to reduce taxes for the achievers and invited private business to take its profits home. In effect you could see the state on retreat.

Fig. 2: The 1980s: The state on retreat.

Similar developments could be observed in Britain, Germany and several other countries. At the time, I believe, it was good for these countries that the private sector assumed additional responsibilities and introduced efficiencies unknown to some state owned agencies. But in some cases such as the privatization of the British rail it went all wrong. Anyway what I am suggesting is for each country to maintain a healthy balance between public and private.

Globalisation

In many parts of the world we seem to have lost that balance. When the Soviet bloc collapsed, many nation states in the West and in the developing world all of a sudden lost much of their bargaining position towards the international capital markets. This bargaining position had been rooted to a large extent in the very existence of the communist threat. It forced capital owners to accept progressive income taxes, social security and environmental regulation. This was simply because the socially inclusive market economy was still better for capital owners than any kind inclination of a country to go communist.

Now, after 1990, that comfortable bargaining position of the nation state was gone. What now happened, was called globalisation and was characterised by the dominance over the smaller nation states of international capital markets.

Fig. 3: Globalisation means the dominance of the private sector.

This is our situation today. First, the world (and not only business) was celebrating it. The spectre of a third world war had disappeared. . Hundreds of million of people were liberated from dull, authoritarian and inefficient regimes. Huge peace dividends were expected to arrive. The stock markets soared. Francis Fukuyama in America called it the end of history, i.e. the end of ideological quarrels. Markets were believed to give guidance towards ever increasing prosperity. Nobody dared to question whether we had a reliable sense of direction.

Nobody dared to raise doubts about the legitimacy of the dominance of the private sector because the dominance of the state had conspicuously lost its legitimacy.

However, the euphoria didn’t last very long. Soon people began to realise that the gap between the rich and the poor was steadily widening. The income gap between the richest and the poorest twenty percent of the world population rose to a shocking factor of 75 during the 1990’s.

Fig. 4: The widening gap of income world wide.

Environmental policy became a nightmarish task because everybody’s immediate concern was now to survive in the unforgiving struggles of globalisation.

Even in their home turf, financial markets performed a lot poorer than expected In rapid succession, currencies from Eastern Europe, Western Europe, Mexico, the Asian emerging markets, Turkey and Argentina were subject to extremely damaging turbulences. Worst of all, the “new economy bubble” imploded and with it the entire euphoria of the global stock market.

The states, guardians of the public goods, suffered from stagnating revenues, in part self-inflicted through a rat-race for ever decreasing corporate taxation.

Fig. 5: Diminishing corporate tax rates in OECD and EU member states.

Ordinary people got increasingly worried and angry about the arrogance of the dominant market ideology. In Seattle, Gothenburg, Genoa you could see them marching and protesting. Protesters mostly represented the losers of globalisation. They also represented in a great variety of ways public goods such as the environment, human rights, social equity, farmers rights, cultural diversity, or the rights of indigenous people. You can ask any of these people if they see a purely monetarised globalisation as damaging to the public goods they defend. And their answer will clearly be “YES”.

Fig. 6: ¥€$.

Let us take stock for a moment. The victory of what we all considered the superior systems namely the democracy-based market economy, appears to be in the doldrums. People worldwide seek for a sense of direction, but in vain. Except, perhaps in China and America. In China they still enjoy the clear sense of direction of just increasing economic output. And in the US they don’t allow any critical questions about what their great country has been fighting for ages. They prefer to put the blame on the outside world, that is Islamic fundamentalism, coward Europeans, or a stagnating Japanese economy.

The unsustainable American way of life

I fear that we won’t arrive at a new and reliable sense of direction unless we dare to question – against all political correctness – the viability of the US model of economic growth or, what is usually called the American way of life.

In doing so, we have to focus our attention on the topic of our conference, environment and development. Let me submit that the American way of life is squarely unsustainable.

Of course, our friends from America don’t see it that way. To them, the USA represent the far end of what is often called the environmental Kusnets curve.

Fig. 7: The inverted U-curve of pollution.

The curve shows the history of the Industrial Revolution. Countries typically start off poor and clean. In the course of industrialisation they become rich and dirty. And finally they become so rich that they can afford expensive pollution control making them rich and clean. Japan, like the USA or Germany, is perfect example of this development. The curve justified in a sense what Indira Gandhi said 30 years ago, namely that “poverty is the biggest polluter”.

The trouble is that the situation of “rich and clean” is not automatically “sustainable”. Facing today’s major environmental problems, we should even call economic wealth the biggest polluter, although this time pollution is not perhaps the right term for the environmental damages. Fig 8 sums it up:

Fig. 8: The daily toll of environmental destruction.

Here we see the daily toll of global environmental destruction. We seem to be losing up to 100 animal or plant species every day. We blow 60 million tons of carbon dioxide into the air, thus changing the atmosphere. Over-fishing and deforestation go on almost unmitigated. Much of the damages stem from excessive land-use, material turnovers and energy consumption in the rich and clean countries. The USA is clearly leading this unsustainable direction of development.

Greenhouse effect and other ecological troubles

In assessing the problems and opportunities let me concentrate on the greenhouse effect, but I assure you that the assessment of land use and of material turnovers would lead to very similar considerations.

Carbon dioxide concentrations are on the rise since the early days of industrialisation. The next picture shows the trend for the last couple of decades:

Fig. 9: The steady increase of CO2 concentrations.

The trouble comes when you look at the correlation between CO2 concentrations and global temperatures.

Fig. 10: The “Vostok” expedition found a close correlation between CO2-concentrations and atmospheric temperatures during the last 160.000 years.

We can also see that in the industrial age the blue curve of CO2 is mounting steeply upward. Climatologists expect temperatures to rise correspondingly, and we are already seeing it happen. Nearly each year during the last 15 years has been the hottest year since scientific weather recordings started. During the last 4 years alone we have had twelve or more gigantic natural disasters due to weather in various places on earth including Asia and Europe.

In 2001, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change projected a dramatic increase of global temperatures to occur until the end of this century.

Fig. 11: IPCC’s projection of temperatures until 2100.

Massive changes in the face of the planet could result. Temperatures alone and a few local disasters might not by themselves be the core of the drama. A hotter candidate for the core of the problem is the sea water table (Fig. 12).

Fig. 12: The sea water table goes with atmospheric temperatures.

In this picture I have added as a green line the sea water table during the last 160.000 years. I invite you to have a look at the difference between a high and low sea-levels. It is more than 100 metres! This formidable variance has a major impact on the coast lines, as can be seen on the next slide:

Fig. 13: Italian coast lines during the last Ice Age and during the Pliocene.

This is Italy some 20.000 years ago, during the last Ice Age. But now look at the coast line some 2 million years ago, during a truly hot age. Imagine, ladies and gentlemen, what this picture would mean for the Tokyo and Kansai areas or for Bangladesh, the Netherlands or for Egypt. What may cause more anxiety still is the potential dynamics of change.

Fig. 14: The collapse, 7700 years ago, of the ice shield covering Labrador and the Hudson Bay.

Studying the British coast line and flood marks left at the rocks rising from the sea, Professor Michael Tooley found that about 7,700 years ago global sea-levels must have risen by 7-8 metres within a few decades or even within a few weeks. His explanation is that the ice shield then covering Labrador and the Hudson Bay were breaking off into the sea within a short period of time. I assume that this was the historical backdrop for the Atlantis and the Biblical Deluge sagas.

If we now go on heating up the atmosphere, major parts of the Antarctic or of Greenland can break off at some unpredictable moment during the next 200 years.

If we want to avoid such disasters, we would be well advised at least to stabilise CO2-concentrations. In order to achieve that, we would have to reduce annual emissions by 60%-80%, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Let us say – optimistically – that we need only a 50% reduction. This is as far higher ambition than laid down in the Kyoto Protocol. However, halving CO2-emissions may be extremely difficult to achieve because energy experts tell us that we shall rather incur a doubling of CO2 concentrations within a few decades.

Fig. 15: CO2-emissions should be halved to achieve stabilisation of CO2-concentrations, but energy demand is more than doubling.

The reason is that developing countries so far have much lower CO2-emissions per capita than the rich countries. China, Brazil and Ethiopia have every reason now to do exactly what we have demonstrated to them as the core of our industrial success story, namely high energy consumption accompanied by high CO2 emissions.

Factor Four

A gap is opening before us which is at least as large as a factor of four.

Some people both in Japan and Germany believe that the gap can be closed using nuclear power. Without going into any detail of this controversial issue let me only say that after 11th September 2001, safety assessments of nuclear installations have to be re-written from the scratch — with an essentially uncertain outcome. Nikkei President Tsuruta was kind enough to ask me how Germany was handling its decision of phasing out nuclear power while still subscribing to the Kyoto Protocol. One part of the answer is renewable sources of energy. However, we have to admit that there are also limits lying in their costs and in their modest energy densities.

The best solution, I suggest, is a strategy of systematically increasing energy productivity. The textbook for this has the title “Factor Four: Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use” which I co-authored with my American friend Amory Lovins and his wife Hunter Lovins.

Fig. 16: Factor Four: translated into many languages.

The book heralds a new industrial revolution. It thereby also conveys a new sense of direction for technological progress. It may encourage investors to go for new investments and for new technologies.

Quadrupling resource productivity, eventually even increasing it by a factor of ten, as my friend Friedrich Schmidt-Bleek is suggesting, is a gigantic challenge requiring the commitment of the brightest engineers and the boldest business people. It is my sincere hope that both Japan and Germany will play major roles in bringing that new technological revolution about.

Let me make the analogy to the industrial revolution more explicit. During the first fifty or seventy years of the industrial revolution, the world has seen a fourfold increase of labour productivity. Later, labour productivity increases even accelerated, owing to better technological communication and ever increasing costs of human labour.

Today, albeit expensive, labour is no longer a scarce factor. According to statistics of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), over 800 million people are unemployed or have only access to marginal work. In this day and age, it somehow doesn’t make much sense for the world economy to go on and maximise robotics and other labour saving technologies while neglecting productivity of the really scarce factor of our days, natural resources.

The mentioned book, Factor Four, which also was translated into Japanese, features 50 examples showing the potential of improving resource productivity at least by a factor of four. Twenty examples relate to energy productivity, twenty to solid material productivity, and ten to the transport sector.

Let me briefly introduce you to the new universe of factor four technologies. For this I shall show you some pictures beginning with Amory Lovins’ present favourite example, “Hypercar”:

Fig. 17: Hypercar is four times more fuel efficient than normal automobiles.

Hypercar, seen on the right hand side, is designed to use only one-and-a-half litres per hundred kilometres. I won’t go into technical details of this ultra-light vehicle.

The second example is what we refer to as the “passive house” which in Germany’s cold climate needs hardly any external heating except for some passive solar energy.

Fig. 18: Passive house, a concept to save 90% of the typical heating costs.

It is very well insulated. It needs no radiators and thus saves space and money making it commercially competitive with ordinary constructions. It is not only insulation and energy management that counts. Nearly equally important is the materials of construction. Wood is among the best, of course, in particular if we consider the carbon balance.

Fig. 19: Wooden construction saves energy and CO2.

Very familiar to you all are light bulbs and their modern efficiency substitutes.

Fig. 20: Fluorescent light bulbs are four times more efficient than incandescent bulbs.

A more recent development is light diodes which are still a factor of two better than fluorescent lamps.

Lets us now turn to household appliances. When you replace your free-standing refrigerator with a cold-storage room built into the north wall of the house, you can also save approximately a factor of four both in terms of energy and materials.

Fig. 21: FRIA, the non-mobile refrigerator.

In tropical countries, but also during the summer in Japan, the biggest energy eater in office and apartment buildings is air-conditioning. In Singapore, we found an engineer, Mr Lee Eng Lock, who builds air-conditioning systems that need some 70% less power than conventional ones. Imagine the savings for office towers and tourist hotels all around the hot belt of this planet.

When you replace an old filing cabinet with a CD-ROM system, you have a Factor 10 or more in material and resource productivity and you have much swifter access to your data.

Water is now one of the scarcest resources in the world. Several examples in our book deal with factor four water efficiency in agriculture, industry and households.

One important industry for water consumption is textiles. We found a small German manufacturer, Hess Natur, advertising clothes that overall need roughly one quarter of the natural resources including fresh water needed in ordinary products.

Fig. 22: Textiles with a cradle-to-grave resource use four times lower than average.

Another strategy of saving materials and energy is improving mechanical properties of such simple materials as steel. I recently learned about exciting advances in the Japanese steel industry.

Fig. 23: Innovative steel from Japan.

Instead of being a clumsy and heavy material, this extraordinary steel rod is incredibly light and elegant and yet extremely robust.

Let me finally turn to food. When you eat tomatoes from the Netherlands during the winter season, it could be that around 100 Kcal have been invested so that you can afterwards eat a Kcal tomato. In the case of European intensive husbandry beef each Kcal of beef requires some 20 Kcal of extended energy inputs. Ocean fishing, I am sorry to say, isn’t much better. With a diet, which is a little more seasonal, containing somewhat less meat and fish and stemming from organic farming or aquaculture you can easily save a Factor 4 in energy consumption, as the next picture indicates:

Fig. 24: Food can “eat” a lot of energy — but need not.

Stefanie Böge of the Wuppertal Institute has looked into the transport intensity involved in the production of strawberry yoghurt in Germany.

Fig. 25: 8.000 kilometres for strawberry yoghurt? It is too much!

She found that lorries are criss-crossing Europe at a total of around 8,000 km for the production of a cup of strawberry yoghurt. Clearly, this is not necessary.

Not only yoghurt journeys can be rationalised. Many business trips can be saved using videoconferences. And letters and manuscripts don’t always need airmail from Japan to Europe. Much can be sent by e-mail, saving a factor of 100 or 1000 in resource use. I am fully aware that substituting electronic dispatch for air transport in the case of tourism and Business Leaders Conferences is not quite so simple. Besides, people like to visit Tokyo for sight-seeing. However, in each case it is worth reflecting if a trip is really necessary.

In many cases the magical factor of four is not attained in one go. German chemical industry for instance managed to increase its overall energy productivity by a factor of four during a period of thirty years. Hundreds if not thousands of little inventions and process improvements were instrumental in bringing this success story about. You may not get much acclaim for this complex and incremental factor four story. But the effect is all the same.

Making it profitable

After having sketched out the shape of the new universe of factor four technologies I should like to turn to some economic and political questions. What can we do to make this technology shift profitable? Fortunately a reasonably large part of the eco-efficiency measures are already profitable. This is particularly true in developing countries. At my last journey to China, I read a brochure from a German consultancy working on strategies to reduce CO2 in China. And this is what they found:

Fig. 26: Fichtner found that CO2 reduction can be done at a profit in China.

I was actually surprised to see how cheap it was to reduce CO2 using wind or solar energy. But the real surprise was that just industrial modernisation would produce CO2 reductions as a windfall product. Best of all, strategic energy efficiency will earn the investor twenty dollars per ton of CO2 avoided. This is surely the basis for the astonishing fact that according to official statistics, China has reduced it CO2-emissions during the last three consecutive years while maintaining an impressive economic growth of up to 7% per annum.

Even if not every step of efficiency gains is profitable, the general attitude of eco-efficiency seems to pay. A Swiss-American partnership had lead to the establishment of the Dow Jones Sustainability Index representing the top firms worldwide which have a successful policy of improving eco-efficiency. Look how that paid off on the unforgiving international stock markets. The Sustainability Index had actually a better performance than the benchmark Dow Jones Index:

Fig. 27: Dow Jones Sustainability Index beats the ordinary Dow Jones.

Is that not a very encouraging piece of news? Unfortunately, the scope for profitable eco-efficiency is still rather limited. If we aim at a factor of four, we have to alter the frame conditions so as to make strategic efficiency increases still more profitable.

It can be seen as a perfectly legitimate objective for the state and for the international community to create an atmosphere that is favourable for creating the new industrial revolution. The basic idea is to make resource rationalisation more profitable than labour rationalisation. This has been the philosophy behind the ecological tax reform which has been introduced in most European countries, including Germany. The ideal scenario is one in which prices for energy, water and raw materials increase slowly (e.g. by 3 – 4% annually) so that technical progress can approximately keep pace. Imagine petrol prices increasing by 4% every year and the car fleet becoming 3% – 4% more efficient every year until. Then the fuel price per kilometre will remain almost stable. And your country would have to import much less oil.

Many other measures can be conceived to make resource productivity more profitable. Eco-audits have become very popular in Germany, Japan and elsewhere. The Netherlands through their former government have introduced a rule that pension benefits are tax free as long as the benefits are coming from certified stock portfolios of ecologically committed firms.

In the end I believe that one of the most important driving forces of technological progress is a new vision of how technology could look like in the future. I hope I was able in a very humble way to contribute to this goal.

Back to the alleged Japanese crisis

Let me return to the considerations made at the beginning. The eco-efficiency revolution can theoretically serve as a guideline for Japanese and European industry to return to investment optimism. In this field, it is both responsible and reasonable to go for innovations and massive investments that can shape the technological face of the world.

I also suggest to strengthen the advocates of the public sector again. The weakness of the state is likely to remain. But new allies have appeared on the scene to help the state defend public goods including the environment. It is the civil society NGOs. My last picture shows you in the former caricature form how I see the re-balancing of powers between private goods and public interest.

Fig. 28: NGOs can help the state re-establish the balance between public and private goods.

Let us hope that enlightened business leaders join in re-establishing both that said balance and the optimism that may also help overcome the economic stagnation some of you feel as a heavy burden on your companies and on your country.

Let me at the outset distinguish two different tasks of environmental policy.

• One is pollution control which is predominantly a local and a national activity. The first twenty years of environmental policy in advanced industrial countries were almost exclusively devoted to pollution control and to set standards. Since that time, most environmental professionals both in the public and private sectors deal with pollution control.
• The other task of environmental policy relates to global and long-term challenges such as climate change, biodiversity losses and unsustainable lifestyles. This is rather a new field of concern and is still in its conceptual phase regarding policy making.

Environmental fiscal reforms can work in both arenas. But if one fiscal instrument is successful in one of the two, it does not necessarily follow that it is applicable to the other as well.

For pollution control, pricing instruments abound and have greatly helped cleaning up the environment. A typical case has been the waste water charge the revenues of which were used to finance water purification installations. This system of charges is in use in most OECD countries and has been highly successful environmentally. It never was very controversial. It fully conformed with the polluter pays principle and it had the attraction that he who applied prevention measures in his factory was freed from the charge.

In a wider sense the same applies to user fees, refund systems, violation penalties and tradable emission permits for classical pollutants such as SO2 or NOx They too met with rather little public resistance when introduced.

Let me not lose more time on this subject because we would all agree very soon that prices work well to reduce classical pollution. It remains doubtful if charges on pollutants can be seen as “environmental fiscal reform”.

Let me instead turn the attraction to the other subject, of long term and global environmental problems, notably the greenhouse effect and life style changes. Here, I suggest, is the most important field for environmental fiscal reform.

Let me at this juncture mention one major difference between the two fields of concern. For classical pollution control you could say it is good to be rich so that one can afford costly pollution control. Or, with a slightly modified meaning you can quote Indira Gandhi that “poverty is the biggest polluter”. This famous statement goes down extremely well with developing countries, but equally well with traditional business people and other people in the North because it justifies them to go on with traditional growth strategies and claim that this is good for the environment.

The opposite, or nearly, can be observed when we address the greenhouse effect, biodiversity and sustainable life styles. Here clearly prosperity is the biggest polluter.

This is so embarrassing a phenomenon that economists and politicians prefer not to recognise its truth. They hastily invoke the sustainable development triangle which says that economic and social well-being are equally important as a healthy environment. And very soon they return to the comfortable and familiar paradigm of pollution control where economic prosperity was not at all suspicious. You will discover that in their argumentation the environmental corner of the triangle is always classical pollution control. I am afraid, for the time being I have to invite you to be extremely cautious, if you are an environmentalist, when that triangle of sustainability is put forward.

Now comes the shock for us advocates of pricing instruments: In a domain where prosperity is the biggest polluter, all of a sudden, you have to admit that prices are meant to reduce “prosperity”, — at least the kind of prosperity that is causing so much CO2 emissions, land use, traffic and avalanches of materials. If you want to reduce urban sprawl, you have to say that people shouldn’t live in one family homes and commute to work with their cars. You want them to cut their energy and water consumption. You want them to stop buying lots of unnecessary trash goods and having weekend trips to Egypt or Paris and Christmas trips to the Seychelles. Don’t expect anybody, let alone democratic majorities to agree with these objectives.

And yet, having said all this, I remain a staunch defender of ecological fiscal reform for the second set of problems. How can that be?

Well, it is because I am confident that, fortunately for the environment, different modes of prosperity are available. The core of that “sustainable prosperity” is a new universe of eco-efficient technologies. At the Wuppertal Institute for Climate, Environment and Energy we have sketched out the landscape of that new universe. In a book which I wrote together with Amory Lovins, I gave it the simple title “Factor Four”, with the subtitle “Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use”.

The book features fifty examples, from automobiles to household appliances, from buildings to logistics, from industrial processes to farming methods, all demonstrating that a factor of four is available in energy or material efficiency.

The factor four universe can be seen as the Promised Land to those who deal with climate change, urban sprawl and biodiversity losses.

But there is a difference again with classical pollution technologies. Waste water treatment technology can be introduced in a matter of five or ten years, depending on the life cycle of the economy’s capital stock. In buildings, it may take fifty years to refurbish the entire stock of houses. The complete renewal of the car fleet may take thirty years. And a reasonable and comfortable reduction of urban sprawl may take a hundred or two hundred years.

“Factor Four” can be seen as the solid rock of technological insights which we need when talking about ecological fiscal reform that works on the second category of problems. If we want to maintain prosperity we should be patient with the existing capital stock.

The long time frame can also be expressed in terms of price elasticity. You would not expect the car fleet to react to a small but sudden price signal. The immediate price elasticity is very low. However, if society knows that energy and other resource prices will go up slowly but for a long time with no hope of their coming down again, companies will strategically invest in resource efficient technologies. Consumer education will make resource efficient behaviour a prime objective. Academic engineers and scientists will target the basics of resource productivity. And public planning will shift priorities towards convenient mass transport, agreeable high-density urban planning and high resource efficiency in public buildings, transport systems and disposal concepts. As a result, the factor of four becomes a realistic perspective for all sectors. In other words, we can expect a high price elasticity in the long run.

Long term price elasticity means that price signals should be mild but predictable. The best of all worlds would be a political all-party agreement over thirty or fifty years to raise prices for scarce resources in very small and predictable steps, preferably in steps so small that technological progress can keep pace.

Please note that I am talking about a price corridor, not a taxation corridor. Taxes or other instruments would be used to stay inside the price corridor. In this ideal case, the monthly bills for petrol, electric power, water, space or even virgin raw materials remain stable. On average, the population would not suffer any losses in their lifestyles.

If the fiscal revenues from this operation go into reducing indirect labour cost, you would expect positive effects on the labour markets. And compared to business as usual scenarios, you would see human labour services becoming gradually cheaper, i. e. more affordable for the clients of that labour.

So much for the ideal world. I felt it was necessary to talk about the ideal world in order to provide orientation in this conflictual theme of price signals on the basic commodities of modern life.

Let me now very briefly address some of the practical problems.

At a conference in Brussels, four weeks ago, the European Environmental Bureau (EEB) presented an EU-wide campaign on fiscal measures for the environment. At its core, the demand was to have ten percent of all taxes to be environmental and to make the operation fiscally neutral, ie not to increase the overall tax burden.

The EEB’s campaign also asked rapidly to abandon all perverse subsidies. These subsidies, however, are consistently targeted at politically influential parts of the electorate. Transport subsidies in particular enjoy extremely strong support not only from the immediate beneficiaries but also from the automobile and aircraft lobbies. Hence, one would not expect subsidies to disappear soon.

Let me say a practical or political word about the price corridor that I am asking for. It is, let me admit it, highly unrealistic in our days. It requires two unusual things at once: a fiscal policy that flexibly responds to world market signals, and an all-party consensus in one area, which is perhaps the favourite battlefield for political parties. Also, it should be said that the price corridor it not easily attained with emission trading and other pure market instruments. An adjustment mechanism may have to be introduced to avoid brutal jumps that can occur in the course of free market fluctuations.

During the Brussels conference, Dr. Iannis Paleocrassas mentioned that as Greek Minister of Finance he had introduced a fuel tax flexibly responding to world market fluctuations. This is an extremely encouraging example.

A few days after the conference, the coalition agreement was adopted between SPD and Greens in Germany. It reaffirmed the existing energy tax escalator and foresees a general review by 2004 of the green fiscal reform, with a view to potentially develop it further and more comprehensively. A few steps to reduce tax rebates for fiscal year 2003 are now in the pipeline and will hopefully be adopted next week.

If the public is convinced that this gentle price corridor is a fair deal and the best guide rail to the Promised Land, it becomes increasingly more plausible for political parties to go for it.

This then brings me to my concluding remark. It is essential that we create a strong vision of what is necessary to avoid disasters from fossil and nuclear energy use, from rapid biodiversity losses and from resources. If that vision also contains a realistic and agreeable strategy of how to get from here to there, you will have the people behind you.

Let me at the outset distinguish two different tasks of environmental policy.

• One is pollution control which is predominantly a local and a national activity. The first twenty years of environmental policy in European countries were almost exclusively devoted to pollution control, and the role of the European Community – later Union – was chiefly to set standards that aimed at harmonising national pollution control legislation, and that more of environmental professionals both in the public and private sectors deal with pollution control.
• The other task of environmental policy relates to global and long-term challenges such as climate change, biodiversity losses and unsustainable lifestyles. This is rather a new field of concern and is still in its conceptual phase regarding policy making.

Prices can work for the environment in both arenas. But if one pricing instrument is successful in one of the two, it does not necessarily follow that it is applicable for the other as well.

For pollution control, pricing instruments abound and have greatly helped cleaning up the environment. A typical case has been the waste water charge the revenues of which were used to finance water purification installations. This system of charges most widely used in the Netherlands but also in all other EU countries was highly successful environmentally. It never was very controversial. It fully conformed with the polluter pays principle and it had the attraction that he who applied prevention measures in his factory was freed from the charge.

In a wider sense the same applies to user fees, refund systems, violation penalties and tradable emission permits for classical pollutants such as SO2 or NOx They too met with rather little public resistance when introduced.

Let me not lose more time on this subject because we would all agree very soon that prices work well to reduce classical pollution. Nevertheless, if the EEB wants to document the findings of this conference, I suggest to add an expert paper by an environmental economist on many successes and a few failures.

Let me instead turn the attraction to the other subject, of long term and global environmental problems, notably the greenhouse effect and life style changes.

Let me at this juncture mention one major difference between the two fields of concern. For classical pollution control you could say it is good to be rich so that one can afford costly pollution control. Or, with a slightly modified meaning you can quote Indira Gandhi that “poverty is the biggest polluter”. This famous statement goes down extremely well with developing countries, but equally well with traditional business people and other people in the North because it justifies them to go on with traditional growth strategies and claim that this is good for the environment.

The opposite, or nearly, can be observed when we address the greenhouse effect, biodiversity and sustainable life styles. Here clearly prosperity is the biggest polluter.

This is so embarrassing a phenomenon that economists and politicians prefer not to recognise its truth. They hastily invoke the sustainable development triangle which says that economic and social well-being are equally important as a healthy environment. And very soon they return to the comfortable and familiar paradigm of pollution control where economic prosperity was not at all suspicious. You will discover that in their argumentation the environmental corner of the triangle is always classical pollution control. I am afraid, for the time being I have to invite you to be extremely cautious, if you are an environmentalist, when that triangle of sustainability is put forward.

But now comes the shock for us advocates of pricing instruments: In a domain where prosperity is the biggest polluter, all of a sudden, you have to admit that prices are meant to reduce “prosperity”, – at least the kind of prosperity that is causing so much CO2 emissions, land use, traffic and avalanches of materials. If you want to reduce urban sprawl, you have to say that people shouldn’t live in one family homes and commute to work with their cars. You want them to cut their energy and water consumption. You want them to stop buying lots of unnecessary trash goods and having weekend trips to Malaga and Christmas trips to the Seychelles. Don’t expect anybody, let alone democratic majorities to agree with these objectives.

And yet, having said all this, I remain a staunch defender of pricing instruments also for the second set of problems. How can that be?

Well, it is because I am confident that, fortunately for the environment, different modes of prosperity are available. The core of that “sustainable prosperity” is a new universe of eco-efficient technologies. At the Wuppertal Institute for Climate, Environment and Energy we have sketched out the landscape of that new universe. In a book which I wrote together with Amory Lovins, I gave it the simple title “Factor Four”, with the subtitle “Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use”.

The book features fifty examples, from automobiles to household appliances, from buildings to logistics, from industrial processes to farming methods, all demonstrating that a factor of four is available in energy or material efficiency.

The factor four universe can be seen as the Promised Land to those who deal with climate change, urban sprawl and biodiversity losses.

But there is a difference again with classical pollution technologies. Waste water treatment technology can be introduced in a matter of five or ten years, depending on the life cycle of the economy’s capital stock. In buildings, it may take fifty years to refurbish the entire stock of houses. The complete renewal of the car fleet may take thirty years. And a reasonable and comfortable reduction of urban sprawl may take a hundred or two hundred years.

“Factor Four” can be seen as the solid rock of technological insights which we need when talking about pricing instruments that work on the second category of problems. If we want to avoid attacking prosperity we should be patient with the existing capital stock.

The long time frame can also be expressed in terms of price elasticity. You would not expect the car fleet to react to an abrupt price signal, unless it is a brutal signal. However, if society knows that energy and other resource prices will go up for a long time with no hope of their coming down again, companies will strategically invest in resource efficient technologies. Consumer education will make resource efficient behaviour a prime objective. Academic engineers and scientists will target the basics of resource productivity. And public planning will shift priorities towards convenient mass transport, agreeable high-density urban planning and high resource efficiency in public buildings, transport systems and disposal concepts. As a result, the factor of four becomes a realistic perspective for all sectors.

Long term price elasticity means that price signals should be mild but predictable. The best of all worlds would be a political all-party agreement over thirty or fifty years to raise prices for scarce resources in very small and predictable steps, preferably in steps so small that technological progress can keep pace.

Please note that I am talking about a price corridor, not a taxation corridor. Taxes or other instruments would be used to reach the price corridor. In this ideal case, the monthly bills for petrol, electric power, water, space, virgin raw materials remain stable and on average the population is not suffering any losses in their lifestyles.

If the fiscal revenues from this operation go into reducing indirect labour cost, you would expect positive effects on the labour markets. And compared to business as usual scenarios, you would see human labour services becoming gradually cheaper, i. e. more affordable for the beneficiaries of that labour.

So much for the ideal world. I felt it was necessary to talk about the ideal world in order to provide orientation in this conflictual theme of price signals on the basic commodities of modern life.

Let me at the end very briefly address some of the practical problems.

First, with reference to the EEB’s campaign motives and targets, let me clearly say that I support them. It will be, however, extremely difficult with regard to reducing internal farm subsidies; it may be possible, however, to reduce export subsidies of farm products. It is reasonable to demand ten percent of all taxes to be environmental and to make the operation fiscally neutral, ie not to increase the overall tax burden.

Regarding the time frame, it is EEB’s right to ask for rapid results, but as a politician I can tell you that our machinery works rather a bit slower. Perverse subsidies too are difficult to remove. They are consistently targeted at politically influential parts of the electorate. Transport subsidies in particular enjoy extremely strong support not only from the immediate beneficiaries but also from the automobile and aircraft lobbies. Moreover, they tend to increase economic turnover which politicians call growth even if it does not contribute to any quality of life. But it is turnover, not quality of life that creates jobs.

Let me say a practical or political word about the price corridor that I am asking for. It is, let me admit it, highly unrealistic in our days. It requires two unusual things at once: a fiscal policy that flexibly responds to world market signals, and an all-party consensus in one area, which is perhaps the favourite battlefield for political parties. Also, it should be said that the price corridor it not easily attained with emission trading and other pure market instruments. An adjustment mechanism may have to be introduced to avoid brutal jumps that can occur in the course of free market fluctuations.

On the other hand, if the public is convinced that this gentle price corridor is a fair deal and the best guide rail to the Promised Land, it becomes increasingly more plausible for political parties to go for it.

This then brings me to my concluding remark. It is essential that we create a strong vision of what is necessary to avoid disasters from fossil and nuclear energy use, from rapid biodiversity losses and from resources. If that vision also contains a realistic and agreeable strategy of how to get from here to there, you will have the people behind you.

PS:

• In the discussion, Dr. Iannis Paleocrassas mentioned that as Greek Minister of Finance he had introduced a fuel tax flexibly responding to world market fluctuations.
• A few days after the conference, the coalition agreement was adopted between SPD and Greens in Germany. It reaffirms the exciting energy tax escalator and foresees a general review by 2004 of the green fiscal reform, with a view to potentially develop it further and more comprehensively.

Further information about the Conference and the EEB can be found on the EEB’s website.

Introduction

This piece was written by a European and an American both deeply engaged in efforts to moderate global warming, and each of whom has lived in both Europe and the United States. We give a perspective on the present situation regarding climate change in Europe; a parallel perspective on the situation in the U.S.; and then close with a series of recommendations and policy opportunities that should be on the agenda of the transatlantic partnership, but which reflect the reality that Europe is the leading geopolitical unit today in defining and mobilizing global progress toward a regime of carbon limits that holds out the possibility of avoiding the most catastrophic consequences of global warming.

I: Grim facts on climate change

It has become clear to climate scientists that the carbon emission targets set by the Kyoto Protocol were not nearly ambitious enough to “prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system”, as stated in Article 2 of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC).

The Arctic Climate Impact Assessment (2004) was perhaps the most powerful wake-up call of the past few years. It showed a picture of Greenland’s fresh water cover in summers 1992 and 2002 with the area of the latter being easily four times larger than the former and being nearly half the size of Greenland itself. Mighty vertical water currents tunnel down into the ice and appear to be lubricating the rocks on which the ice masses are sitting, thus accelerating the rate at which they move towards the sea beyond that which had been previously estimated.

Fig. 1: Freshwater lakes on Greenland during Summers 1992 and 2002.

This Assessment and other facts served as the scientific basis for the November, 2006 Review on the economic consequences of addressing or failing to act on climate change published by Sir Nicholas Stern, former chief economist of the World Bank. This report had been commissioned by British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown.

The Review suggests that early action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions would be much cheaper than originally assumed, and that delaying action will risk horrendous damage that could amount to as much as 20 percent of world GDP.

Climatologists tend to converge around the conclusion that global warming of an average of 2°C above pre-industrial levels should be seen as the threshold beyond which the anthropogenic interference with the climate system would become “dangerous”, to quote Article 2 of the FCCC.

All this information was available at the FCCC’s 12th Conference of the Parties in Nairobi in November, 2006. One had hoped that a post-Kyoto architecture could be negotiated but nothing of the kind happened. Nairobi was basically a bureaucratic gathering with no visible political initiative, although some progress was made on policies aimed at discouraging deforestation and laying the groundwork to bring emissions from deforestation under the post-Kyoto framework.

The EU had nothing to contribute to the coming debate on post Kyoto.

II: The EU’s bumpy learning phase

Nevertheless, the EU considers itself in the vanguard of climate policy. It was instrumental in launching the FCCC, which was adopted in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, at the third Conference of the Parties of FCCC in Kyoto, the EU was one of the major players and ultimately the decisive one, in urging adoption of the Kyoto Protocol.

And finally, it was the EU which adopted the first international regime of carbon trading, through its Emissions Trading Scheme, ETS (Directive 2003/87/EC).

The first phase of the ETS, from 2005 to 2007, intended as the “learning phase”, ends this year. Some lessons can certainly be drawn from this learning phase. The EU had seen economic growth and growth in carbon emissions since Kyoto’s adoption, leading to demand for higher volumes of carbon allowances than appeared available in 2003. Therefore despite the political decision, taken under heavy influence from the major emitters, to allocate the allowances free of charge, allowances had a positive price from the start.

Fig. 2 shows the development of the price per ton of CO₂ emissions. The market price underwent a conspicuous collapse in May, 2006, due to the leaking of research data that major emitters were sitting on large quantities of unused allowances. At the time of the initial allocation they had claimed many more allowances than they actually needed.

Fig. 2: ICE-ECX Carbon Financial Instrument Futures Contract

What was more irritating than permit hoarding, not least to end-use consumers, was that some power utilities, notably in Germany, raised electricity prices in proportion to the market value of the allowances that they had obtained free of charge in the first place.

The power utilities argued that for every marginal kilowatt-hour generated above earlier production levels, additional costs would accrue in proportion to the permit prices. This led to calculations of horrendous marginal consumer prices above 1.000 Euros per ton of CO₂ emitted (Schlemmermeier and Schwintowski, 2006).

Ironically, most of the major emitters flourished tremendously after the introduction of the ETS, although the causes of this prosperity are complex. Electric utilities benefited from acquiring an oligopoly position a few years after market liberalization, while non-ferrous metals producers benefited from rising commodity prices.

Another irritating effect came in in recent months. Under the Kyoto Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), emitters were allowed to trade some of their obligations outside Europe. Their favourite place were China and India, discovering that reducing Chlorofluorocarbons (CFC’s) was valued very high on the scale of greenhouse gas emissions because their Global Warming Potential (GWP) is several thousands times higher per kilogram than that of CO₂.

To meet the phase out date of 2010 under the Montreal Protocol, developing countries are quite willing to reduce their production and stocks for good money from Europe. As the reduction of such substances is much cheaper per unit of GWP than CO₂ emissions reduction this trade is profitable both for the developing countries and the EU firms in need of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. This bargain is the main reason for the continued fall of prices for carbon emissions permits, as seen in fig 2. The bargain is nevertheless irritating because it weakens the incentive to reduce coal, oil and gas intensity in Europe, while China and India swiftly substitute phased out CFS’s with HCFC’s, notably with HCFC-22, the production of which results in emissions of trifluoromethane (HFC23), as an unwanted by-product that is a super greenhouse gas with a GWP 11,700 times more than CO₂.

The general impression in the European public is that not all went well with the “learning period” of the ETS. It will be politically difficult to repeat the free allocation of emission permits next time, and more voices are already being heard suggesting an auction of the allowances for the next phase.

The second phase of the ETS runs from 2008 to 2012, coterminous with the Kyoto Protocol. The EU intends to deliver the commitments assumed in the Kyoto Protocol.

Although it seems uncertain whether the ultimate target of an eight percent emissions reduction from levels in 1990 will be reached, the EU has performed far better in curbing greenhouse gas emissions than nearly all other Kyoto signatories. EU performance has also outpaced the US and Australia who have not ratified Kyoto and have had drastic increases in greenhouse gas emissions since 1997.

Post-Kyoto initiatives of the EU

It is clear now that Kyoto was just the first step toward a robust, global regime of carbon limits.

Everybody seems to agree that the post-Kyoto regime will have to be a lot more ambitious than Kyoto itself.

Greenhouse gas emissions will have to be reduced to at least 50% of expected business-as-usual levels if greenhouse gas concentrations are to be stabilised at a level low enough to keep global warming within roughly 2°C. Recent work (Vattenfall & McKinsey) suggests that stabilizing the climate at 450 ppm CO₂ by 2030 is doable and affordable if we start very soon. This goal is roughly compatible with holding the warming increase to 2O°C.

Many believe that eventually we will have to get beyond that goal and reduce emissions to 80% below today’s level.

What can be done on the European side to reach this goal? Essentially three strategies are available and have to be combined:

• Increasing energy efficiency;
• Increasing the use of fossil-free energy; and
• Reducing the amount of carbon dioxide being released into the atmosphere.

The EU has been fairly cautious on energy efficiency.

The energy efficiency directive, 2006/32/EC (16 May 2006), requires member states to draw up national action plans to achieve 1% yearly energy savings in the retail, supply and distribution of electricity, natural gas, urban heating, and other energy products including transport fuels. The 1% target, however, is only indicative. The national action plans will need approval from the Commission and will be reviewed every three years, but there are no sanctions whatsoever. The process will be spread over nine years, starting in January 2008, although the first national efficiency action plans are due for submission on 30 June, 2007. The European Parliament had demanded binding targets but member states killed that proposal during a Council meeting in 2005.

On renewable energies, the EU is more progressive.

Its 1997 White Paper contained a commitment to double renewable energy supplies to 12% by 2010 from 6% in 1998. The EU seems to be nearly on track to reach this goal, not least because of the pioneering roles of Denmark, Austria and Germany and the adoption in Spain of the German model of feed-in tariffs for electricity from renewables that is piped into the power grid.

In January, 2007, the Commission published “An Energy Policy for Europe” (COM (2007) 1 final). Its most specific change against earlier policies is the proposal for a binding target for biofuels to reach 10% of vehicles fuel by 2020, twice as much as proposed in earlier documents. This ambitious goal seems like an attempt also to join the USA in reducing dependence on imported oil. However, it immediately met with fierce opposition by ecological and North-South NGO’s hinting at big dangers resulting from diverting land from food and from the last remaining nature reserves.

The big contribution towards an ambitious climate policy seems to be intended to come from a new initiative to aggressively promote and spread “Clean Coal Technologies”.

Important steps were the increase of plant efficiency, chiefly by combined- cycle coal and gas technologies, some CHP (combined heat and power) and, according to a new EU Communication, a massive drive towards CO₂ capture and storage (CCS) in coal-based power generation. Bringing CCS to commercial viability in coal-fired power generation would pave the way to possible applications in combustion processes using other fossil fuels, notably gas. The new name of this game is “Sustainable Fossil Fuels” in power generation.

CO₂ capture and storage is perhaps the strongest incentive for speeding up the introduction of the Integrated Gasification Combined Cycle (IGCC) because that technology involves the automated separation of CO₂ as well as of sulfur and also allows the “syngas” from the gasification process to be used as feedstock for the hydrogen economy. However, all this comes at a cost, and many utilities, chiefly in non- Kyoto states such as the US, say that present market conditions leave IGCC non-competitive with conventional coal burning power plants.

Nevertheless, in light of the reality that coal is going to be burned one way or the other in China, India, other developing countries, and the U.S., and in the absence of an aggressive strategy on efficiency and renewables, CCS and IGCC may turn out to be lifelines for Europe and the world in curbing the release into the atmosphere of carbon dioxide.

Efficiency is more promising

It would be a lot more attractive, however, to have a well- orchestrated strategy to increase energy productivity.

On a macroeconomic scale, it is generally possible to extract at least four times, and in many sectors ten times, as much added value from one unit of energy than is presently achieved, be that unit kilowatt-hours, barrels of oil or gigajoules (Weizsäcker et al, 1997, Lovins et al 2005). The process may take 40 years but that is also the typical life-span of power plants. In addition, we are facing a new wave of decisions on the next generation of power supplies in Europe. Building too many dinosaurs now will make it virtually impossible for the next generation of politicians to shut them down or convert them without huge economic disruption.

The German grand coalition government has made energy efficiency its top priority and is trying during the twin Presidencies of the EU and G8 to popularize the concept.

III: The US and Climate Change

After years of dragging their feet, 2006 – 2007 will be seen as the years when Americans finally made up their mind that global warming was a serious crisis that required action.

American science helped to identify and highlight this issue in the 1980’s and 1990’s, and American NGO’s formulated the basic cap-andtrade policy model that underlies Kyoto and the ETS. American political timidity in the 1990’s and then outright obstructionism under the second President Bush slowed global progress on this issue. Fortunately, Europe took the lead – and did so relatively vigorously, sensibly, and with a careful eye to keeping the door open for the U.S. to rejoin the international process when it could.

That day is now near, and it will become a lot nearer when the US Congress enacts its own national cap-and-trade system.

There is a good chance that this will happen during this Congressional session, which means in the 18 months before the next Presidential campaign begins to paralyze the rest of the political process; and there is a good likelihood that if the law that is enacted is centrist and solid, President Bush will not veto it.

What has happened in the US to make this possibility imminent? Several things at once:

• The science became stronger, more visible, and more urgent.
• Business leaders, particularly the multinationals, came to understand that action on global warming was an imperative and began to remove the silent veto they exercise in American politics. General Electric, Wal-Mart, DuPont and others reflected a broad, silent change in mainstream American business attitudes toward global warming when they came out in favour of a mandatory national carbon cap.
• Thoughtful Americans noted that almost all of its allies with the quixotic exception of Australia, whose stance on this issue was quaint but not politically significant, were marching in the opposite direction.
• Many conservative evangelical Christian leaders decided that action on global warming was not only congruent with, but required by, their doctrinal beliefs.
• Former Vice-President Al Gore’s powerful movie, An Inconvenient Truth, ratcheted up the sense of urgency among those American opinion leaders already concerned about global warming. Intensity and urgency were the critical elements that had been missing in the American political discourse on global warming.
• The Democrats taking control of Congress by a thin margin now forces all stakeholders to reconsider their assessment of what may or may not be possible in the new Congress. That reassessment is by no means complete.

IV: The Impact on the Transatlantic Relationship

There are two pre-eminent reasons why climate change is both a critical and a formative issue for the most important geopolitical relationship in the world – that between Europe and the U.S.

The first reason climate change is a critical issue in the transatlantic partnership is because attitudes toward global warming specifically and environmental issues generally have their roots in fundamental values, life-styles, consumer habits and political outlooks.

It is one thing to share a broad consensus on democratic values and the market system, modulated to different degrees by state regulation or intervention; we grumble about each others’ political institutions and economic policies, but we do not differ fundamentally. But it is quite another thing for the European end of the transatlantic partnership to feel that environmental concerns are a bedrock and enduring priority for its own governments and a standard by which to judge the American government; and for Americans to feel vaguely that environmental issues constitute only one of many desirable agendas that need to be taken into account, and that on “green issues” the Europeans are “over the edge”. This rift becomes more serious as both ends of the partnership begin to understand that the “the environment” is really about “the economy, stupid.”

The second reason climate change is a critical and formative issue in the transatlantic relationship is because ultimately global warming requires that the Western industrial pattern, now imitated or imposed in virtually every part of the globe, undergo a carefully managed, full-scale, and relatively rapid transition to a low-carbon economy.

The process of decarbonizing our energy generation, our goods production, and our transportation systems on this planet is a task that is both daunting and imperative. It is one that will remain high, perhaps paramount, on our agenda and our children’s agenda for as long as they and we are alive.

What America must do is reasonably clear.

The US must pass a national carbon cap, with no “escape hatches” or other vitiating gimmicks.

It must then join Europe’s preliminary and fragile dialogue with China and the other giant economies of the South to build a bridge over which the US, China, Brazil, India and others can walk to join the young international regime of carbon limits.

In addition to these basic steps the US should, in concert with Europe, work on a plan of “carrots and sticks” in the trade area that will encourage other countries to join an eventual global carbon-reduction regime.

Such a plan should be linked to the evolving world trade system — for example, after a certain date requiring countries that have not taken a cap and joined the global carbon-reduction regime to accompany exports with certified carbon allowances to offset the CO₂ emissions involved in their manufacture. Measures of this type will in any case be necessary for domestic political purposes in the US and Europe if they are to support a serious global regime with the ambitious measures necessary to avoid the worst consequences of global warming.

These steps are simple to describe but not easy politically for the US to adopt. Following this course will, however, allow the US to participate constructively in the formation of a successor to the Kyoto Protocol, and will also serve to align once more the stances of the two partners in the transatlantic partnership in regard to climate change.

We suggest that Europe, as the transatlantic partner that in fact presently leads this process, should consider even bolder steps.

What might an American who has lived in and admires Europe advise Europe to do in this context? The following ideas will strike some European observers (though surely not the European co-author of this piece!) as unnecessarily bold. The opposite is true; if anything, they are not bold enough.

• Europe should continue to advance and improve the European Trading System. This is the world’s only full-fledged carbon capand- trade system. If it is weakened rather than strengthened; if it does not develop strong and impartial enforcement mechanisms; if it becomes a political horse-trading where favoured industries can get cushiony allowances; or on the other hand if it pushes too far too fast and causes unnecessary job loss and economic dislocation – any of these “ifs” could slow down or imperil the development of a wider post-Kyoto global carbon-limits regime. The ETS must grow in rigor and solidity. It need not set quantitatively more ambitious CO₂ reduction targets at this time. Both business and the public must be able to look at the ETS and say: “Yes, it is working, it is getting stronger, and we can live with it. This is the path of the future.”
• Europe should expand and intensify its dialogue with China. In the end only China’s self-interest will draw it into a global agreement. But the forces in China that want to do that need the exposure, the experience, and the analytic information necessary to make their political case domestically. An early objective should be discussion between the EU and China about an EU-supported financing scheme to make China’s next 100 coal plants “carbon-neutral”, with continuation of the scheme beyond 2012 conditional upon China joining the international system of carbon-restraints (which of course it will influence in large measure). Tony Blair, to his credit, started this process. Germany will now have to play a lead role in continuing and expanding it.
• The EU should take the bold and innovative step of inviting selected sub-national American political jurisdictions to join the ETS on a limited basis. That would include the state of California; the New England states that have limited CO₂ emissions from utilities; a forthcoming initiative of five Western US states to establish a regional carbon cap; and a growing number of other states or regional groupings that are now considering carbon limitations of various kinds. The participation should be limited in the amount of trading allowed so that it does not distort the European system, and the talks preparing this will necessarily be difficult because of the thorny American legal issues it will raise. But moving in this direction is important for creation of an international system, and its effect on American politics will be positive. The worst thing would be for Europeans to conclude that in order to “keep America in the game” they must move more slowly. On the contrary, the only thing that will “get America in the game” is to keep the pace of movement steady and serious.

• While one of the greatest virtues of cap-and-trade systems is that it treats all emissions as equal and drives economic actors to “hunt” vigorously for the lowest-cost, most efficient ways of reducing carbon, the world-wide stampede to build dirty coal plants is so large, and promises to lock in such a high level of carbon emissions, that special attention is required. The present EU discussion on when and how to seek carbon-neutral fossil fuel energy generation is the single most important debate on this issue, and if Europeans can drive it to a bold and successful conclusion, this will have enormous impact on both the U.S. and China. Recent work in many quarters, including a notable study on the costs of global abatement by Vattenfall and McKinsey, concludes that “dirty coal” can be tamed in terms of global warming if we move firmly and soon. Only Europe is now capable of defining and implementing that vital new direction.

Fig. 3: Marginal abatement cost in the different demand scenarios (assuming opportunities are adressed in order of increasing cost).

V: The Transatlantic Partnership to Combat Climate Change

We divide our list of policy choices and opportunities that now lie before the transatlantic partnership in the area of climate change into three categories.

The first category consists of directions and adjustments that will help make it attractive for those countries now outside the system of Kyoto carbon reductions to participate in such a system. We call this category “carbon diplomacy”.

The second category, “slow and steady”, contains policies that contribute to climate stabilization, and which must be pursued steadily so that the costs of low-carbon systems come down and new technologies are refined, but in such a way that the they do not drive a country’s or region’s marginal cost of energy generation or goods production far outside the relevant global marginal cost curves. These policies, however, both help lay the ground for, and contain the potential for rapid acceleration within, a successor global carbon-limit regime once that is put into place.

The third and final category we call “win/win”: they are policies that both contribute to climate stabilization and increase the global economic competitiveness of whichever countries adopt them.

Generally, the faster these options are adopted and pursued, the greater the gain, both in greenhouse gas emission reductions and in economic performance. At the present time, Europe and Japan are broadly best positioned to pursue them.

a) “Carbon Diplomacy”

• Modify the ETS to provide quantity-limited “docking stations” so that sub-national jurisdictions such as American, Brazilian, Indian or Australian states and Chinese provinces that “take a cap” could trade a limited amount of allowances on the European carbon market.
• Europe should get on board wholeheartedly with the global effort to develop a system of “Compensated Reductions” under which the rainforest nations can receive credits in the international trading system if they arrest deforestation. (Deforestation accounts for roughly 20% of global greenhouse gas emissions.)
• Europe should expand its dialogue with China on climate and energy security to include:
  • Exploration of a “low-carbon zone” that would provide advantageous financing and low-barrier IP arrangements for the globe’s largest consumer market and its largest provider of goods.
  • Exploration of ways in which Europe could provide financing to cover the marginal debt service costs of making China’s next generation of coal plants carbon-neutral as long as China joins and remains part of a global system of carbon caps.

b) “Slow and steady” options:

• Set energy portfolio standards that require more renewables.
• Make Carbon Capture and Sequestration safe and affordable, and thereby break the back of the coal problem. Europe is presently in a strong position to extend its technological and IP lead in this area. The present internal debate in Europe over whether to require carbon neutrality for all fossil fuel plants by 2020 is one of the most important and exciting discussions currently ongoing in the climate arena, and its outcome will have enormous impact around the world.
• Set more demanding but reasonable carbon reduction targets within the framework of the ETS, but this time with the long time horizons necessary to affect capital investment decisions.

c) Win/win options:

• Sharply accelerating the drive for energy efficiency. Europe is in a position to ramp up its efficiency targets now. The U.S. cannot do so easily on an economic basis without either a national carbon cap or financial incentives that encourage utilities to “sell” efficiency to their customers [2], or both, in place.
• Begin to shift agricultural subsidies from payments for surplus or non-production to payments for carbon sequestration. Agricultural sequestration will be necessary as a “bridging” device over the next quarter century for offsetting carbon emissions from traditional sources until they can be replaced with low-carbon sources. The US and Europe between them pay their farmers several hundred billion dollars per year in counter-productive subsidies for various forms of economically useless behaviour or inactivity. It will be far easier to redirect these politically sensitive subsidy systems than to dismantle them. China, India, the US, Europe, Canada, Brazil and others will all, before we are done, be supporting “carbon farmers” of one sort or another. Designing the terms, institutions and enforcement systems of such a system needs to begin now. Either Europe or the U.S. could take the lead, or they could launch the first “study” phase together as an adjunct to the Doha Round now underway. (As this article goes to press, Europe and the US are working feverishly to find ways to “save” the Doha Round.)
• Begin to set efficiency standards for vehicles and aircraft which sharply increase mileage efficiency, achieve significant net carbon emission reductions, and sharply decrease reliance on imported fuel. (It is possible to have vehicles that will get as much as 500 miles per gallon of imported hydrocarbons). It will be possible with a single set of aggressive transportation policies to modernize the automotive sector, trigger development of a new generation of aircraft that are more efficient and emit less greenhouse gases, and provide increased income for the agricultural sector through national production of low-carbon fuels. Almost all of the world’s major auto companies are multinational, and it makes most sense if Europe, the U.S. and Japan start down this path together. However, any one of the three could begin alone.

Conclusion

In the trade-off between the aggressiveness of the steps required, and the time remaining in which to take them, it is clearly in the interest of humanity to start early and carefully, rather than late and drastically. Europe has grasped this; as of this writing the US is just beginning to awaken to that fact.

Every previous experiment with market-based systems suggests that once we adopt the system and unleash human ingenuity, commercial inertia, financial greed and naked ambition in the service of avoiding climate meltdown, it will happen faster, more easily, and more cheaply than even the shrewdest economists and pundits predict.

However, a difficult and fateful conversation with the large and growing economies of the South remains in front of us.

The one issue on which the US and Europe have no time to lose, then, is to get themselves facing in the same direction and working together once again on this vital issue.

Only in this manner will they be strong enough to insist wisely but firmly upon a set of incentives and constraints likely to make it in the self-interest of the developing countries to join a carbon-reduction framework that will, at last, be truly global. Let us remember that unlike past problems, the brutal reality that underlies the threat of global warming is that either we all succeed in avoiding the worst, or none of us will.

References

• Arctic Climate Impact Assessment (ACIA). 2005. Cambridge University Press.
• IPCC. Fourth Assessment Report (Summary), Feb 2007. www.ipcc.ch
• Lovins, Amory, Kyle Datta, Odd-Even Bustnes, Jonathan Kooney, Nathan Glasgow. 2005. Winning the Oil Endgame. 2007 edition by Rocky Mountain Institute, Snowmass Colorado.
• McKinsey and Vattenfall. 2006
• Schlemmermeier, Ben and Hans-Peter Schwintowski. 2006. Das deutsche Handelssystem für Emissionszertifikate: Rechtswidrig?, Zeitschr. f. neues Energierecht 10/3, p 195-199.
• Stern, Nicholas. 2007. The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change. London. Download: www.sternreview.org.uk.
• Weizsäcker, Ernst Ulrich von, Amory Lovins and Hunter Lovins. 1997. Factor Four. Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use. London: Earthscan.

[*] Peter Goldmark directs the Climate and Air program for Environmental Defense, a Washingtonbased NGO. Most recently the chairman and CEO of the International Herald Tribune, Goldmark has served as executive director of the Port Authority of New York and NJ and as budget director for the State of New York. He was president of the Rockefeller Foundation and encouraged their involvement in environmental issues, particularly energy.

Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker is dean of the Donald Bren School of Environmental Science and Management at the University of California, Santa Barbara. A professor of interdisciplinary biology who was the founding president of the University of Kassel in Germany, Weizsäcker has served two terms as a member of the German Parliament. He also acted as director of the United Nations Centre for Science and Technology for Development and president of the Wuppertal Institute for Climate, Environment, and Energy.

[2] In the U.S., “decoupling” means rewarding utilities for efficiency rather than for volume, i.e. “decoupling” utility profits from the volume of energy sold. Only California has “decoupled”; this step is responsible for the astonishing fact that California has experienced no increase in per capita energy usage for thirty years.